Sheila E. McGinn, Ph.D.
The Acts of Thecla
Sheila E. McGinn, Ph.D.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bovon, F., Junod, E., and Kaestli, J-D., eds., Les Actes Apocryphes des
Apôtres: Christianisme et Monde Païen, (Publications de la
Faculté de Théologie de l'Université de Genève,
no. 4; Labor et Fides, 1981). Burrus, V., Chastity as Autonomy: Women
in the Stories of the Apocryphal Acts (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen, 1987).
Corrington, G. P., "The `Divine Woman'? Propaganda and the Power of Chastity
in the New Testament Apocrypha," Helios [Lubbock, Tex.] 13 (2, 1986):
151-161. Davies, S. L., The Revolt of the Widows: The Social World of
the Apocryphal Acts (New York: Winston/Seabury, 1980). Kraemer, R. S., "The
Conversion of Women to Ascetic Forms of Christianity," Signs (2,
1980) 6: 298-307. MacDonald, D. R., "The Role of Women in the Production
of the Apocryphal Acts of Apostles," Iliff Review 40 (4, 1983) 21-38;
ed., Semeia 38: The Apocryphal Acts of Apostles (Decatur, Ga.: Scholars
Press, 1986);
"From Audita to Legenda: Oral and Written Miracle Stories," Forum: Foundations & Facets 2
(4, 1986): 15-26. Ramsay, W. M., "The Acta of Paul and Thekla," The Church
in the Roman Empire Before A.D. 170 (G. P. Putnam, 1893; Baker Book House,
1954), 390-410. Schmidt, C., Acta Pauli aus der heidelberger koptischen
Papyrushandschrift Nr. 1 (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1965). Schneemelcher,
W., "Acts of Paul," New Testament Apocrypha, Revised Edition, W. Schneemelcher,
ed . (Cambridge: James Clark & Co.; Louisville, Ky.: Westminster/John Knox,
1964), II: 213-270.
I. INTRODUCTION
The Acts of Thecla (AThl), also known as The Acts of Paul and Thecla or The Martyrdom of the Holy Proto-Martyr Thecla, is one of the few surviving texts of early Christianity which features a female figure in its key rôle. Once imbedded within the apocryphal Acts of Paul (APl), the AThl also circulated as an independent narrative.
Text
The
text of the AThl is attested in the Greek original and Latin translation
as well as in Old Syriac, Armenian, Old Slavonic, Ethiopic, Arabic, and Coptic
versions.
A list of the most significant texts, and an English translation, can be found
in Wilhelm Schneemelcher's discussion of the "Acts of Paul" in the collection
of New Testament Apocrypha initiated by Edgar Hennecke.
Currently underway is a critical edition of the text of the APl (including
the AThl), by Willy Rordorf, which will be published in the new Brepols
Series Corpus Christianorum, Series Apocryphorum.
Methodological
Considerations
The
AAA long have been viewed as sharing a common tradition.
There are elements of the narratives which are repeated in the various AAA,
for example, the "chastity stories"
analyzed by Virginia Burrus. Thus, study of any one of the AAA cannot be done
in isolation from the others. Yet, each of the AAA also has its unique character
which cannot be overlooked. Both these points are particularly significant
for an understanding of the AThl, since the AThl was preserved
most often not as an independent Acts but as a part of the APl.
And yet, there is clearly a break in the narrative of the APl where
the AThl is inserted, and the AThl presents some viewpoints which
are remarkably distinct from the APl—e.g., in regard to both women
and Paul.
For
a decade or more, the androcentric bias of the textual tradition of early Christianity
has been widely recognized. Scholars taking a "sociology of knowledge" perspective
have also brought into question the very methods used for studying such texts—as
well as non-textual data—because of the biased nature of all these approaches
when it comes to uncovering the history of women. It is now a commonplace that
the surviving texts of the early Christian era are written and preserved by
the educated class. Thus, they cannot be viewed as being representative of
the views and interests of all persons in society; rather, one must be much
more circumspect about generalizing from the opinions of the elite to the general
population. At best, the texts may represent the views of the elite class about the
other classes.
It
is likewise the case with women: texts may include discussions of women, but
most often these discussions convey men's views of women, not women's views
of themselves. In the case of the AAA, while the models reflected there indeed "are
different from those which that church sanctioned . . . ,"
the fact that the AAA were not transmitted within the canon does not preclude
their having been affected by the redactional interests of an institutional
and patriarchal church. The re-contextualization of the Thecla legend within
the APl itself has the effect of subordinating the woman's story to
that of the man, surely a reflection of the patriarchal interests of the church.
One must be careful in trying to recover a "social history of women" from a
textual tradition which itself is elitist and androcentric.
These
facts make it imperative that one develop a significantly different stance
from which to utilize the traditional methods of scholarly analysis. Following
such feminist scholars as Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza
and Letty M. Russell,
and philosophical theorist Hans-Georg Gadamer,
I take a "hermeneutic of suspicion" as my basic stance or approach to the data
of the early Christian era.
Since
the hermeneutical stance, by definition, precedes methodology, one cannot speak
so much of a difference in method, as a difference in the way in which the
data gleaned from the application of traditional methods are assessed. Textual
analysis must be undertaken with the awareness that all the surviving texts
of early Christianity are filtered through an androcentric and patriarchal
perspective and, therefore, suppress (and often devalue) the activities and
experiences of women while highlighting and extolling the experiences and activities
of men. Hence, one must always ask not only what is being said by the author,
but also what is being assumed or ignored, marginalized or repressed.
This
difference in hermeneutical stance has striking effects both the questions
asked and the answers uncovered in an investigation of this type. The very
shape of this Commentary, including as it does the canonical as well
as some of the non-canonical scriptures, calls into question—even refutes—the
traditional assumption that the historical process of determining the content
and scope of the scriptural canon itself is free of such androcentric bias.
That this commentary on the AThl exists at all is the fruit of such
a new feminist critical stance toward the study of early Christianity.
A
brief review of a few of the traditional assumptions about the AAA, including
the AThl, will serve to illustrate this point. First, until quite recently
there was a strict boundary between the apocryphal and the canonical writings,
with the non-canonical writings being viewed as less important and less representative
of the history of early Christianity, and simply because they are non-canonical.
This imaginary boundary is now breaking down, and with it are going some assumptions
about such "apocryphal" writings—e.g., 1) that they were rejected because
they teach heresy; 2) that they represent forms of discipline which were aberrant
in their socio-historical context (i.e., they were produced by "schismatic" sects);
3) that, as a result, there is nothing for Christians to learn from the theology
and spirituality espoused by the apocryphal texts.
In
this introduction, I aim to refute the first two of these assumptions. A question
which will be in the background of this commentary, then, is why this text
became one of the "rejected"
works if doctrine and ascetic discipline are not viable reasons. I suggest
that the highlighting of a woman as an apostle of early Christianity had a
tremendous influence upon the decision of third century opponents of the APl to
brand it as heretical.
The
commentary which follows is based on the premise that, in the case of the AThl,
the third assumption is similarly groundless. Socio-historical analysis of
the AThl reveals not only the socio-cultural background of the audience
and author of the text which are examined, but also the social, economic, political
and religious forces in second century Asia Minor which shaped them and their
self-expressions. A study of this second century legend thus can aid in an
historical reconstruction of the early Christian movement. Finally, it can
be formative for development of a contemporary theological synthesis which
takes into account the experience and theology of women.
Date
Along
with most of the other Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles (AAA), this
text generally has been dated to the second half of the second century. Although
the earliest definitive evidence of a written text of the APl (including
the AThl) is from the Codex Claromontanus (fourth century C.E.),
Tertullian of Carthage (160-after 220) typically has provided the terminus ante quem for
any discussion of dating. However, there have been two flaws in these discussions:
(1) they have assumed a necessary connection between the AThl and the APl from
the start; (2) they have not distinguished between access to the written text
and knowledge of the Thecla story.
From
Hippolytus of Rome (ca. 170-235)
and Origen of Alexandria (185-254/5),
we know that the text of the APl was used in Rome and Alexandria by
the mid-third century; however, they do not cite the AThl. This is not,
therefore, reliable evidence for dating the AThl.
Tertullian's
evidence is ambiguous. Clearly he opposes those who use Thecla's example to
argue for women's ministerial authority.
Yet this case could as easily have been supported by an oral tradition as a
literary document. The most we can say, then, is that Tertullian's remarks
indicate that, by the beginning of the third century C.E. the
Thecla story was known in North Africa and was being used by its story tellers
to validate the active rôle of women in Christian ministries.
No
later than the fourth century, the text had become—at least for some—a
part of the canonical scriptures.
But for now its origins remain obscure.
Provenance
The AThl,
like the APl, originated in Asia Minor; both internal and external evidence
supports this claim.
More than this we cannot say, although later cultic traditions would support
Iconium or Seleucia.
Composition
There
are three main theories of composition of the anonymous work. (1) The AThl was
originally a literary work produced by an unknown presbyter of Asia Minor (mentioned
by Tertullian) who composed the APl as a whole.
(2) A community of "widows" (continent Christian women who were supported by
the institutional church) wrote the entire APl, including the AThl.
(3) The AThl has its origins in a legend tradition or oral folk story
told by women,
which subsequently took written form.
This
last theory of composition seems to make most sense of the existing data for
a variety of reasons. First, this theory posits the same historical pattern
as is evident in the composition of the Gospel narratives and which is explicitly
mentioned by the author of Luke-Acts—and there is no particular reason
to presume that the "apocryphal" works of the same genre followed a different
pattern. Second, it better accounts for the survival of a tradition which offers
such a positive portrayal of women while exhibiting an unsympathetic or even
hostile attitude toward men. Third, one can account for both the similarities
and differences between the AThl and the Hellenistic romantic novel
if one allows for common elements in their folktale origins, rather than requiring
literary dependence.
Finally, the theory of folk origins accounts for the wide variations to the
endings found in the extant versions of the AThl, since storytellers
are known to "translate" their folktales by using physical features of the
new locale, and adding place names and other such details to link the legend
with the immediate audience of the tale.
Authorship
The
question of the identity of the final author/ redactor of the APl, who
combined the Thecla legend with the pseudonymous Pauline letter III Corinthians
and the legend of Paul at Ephesus, remains to be decided.
Though the author's "orthodoxy" is widely accepted, the questions of the author's
sex and status in relation to the great church are more persistent.
First
of all, the author is a member of the great church in the sense of doctrinal
orthodoxy. While the AAA as a whole are marked by tendencies toward encratism—a
fact which may cause a certain amount of discomfort to the contemporary reader—this
rigorous asceticism should not cause the reader to judge the AThl as
heterodox for its own time.
The ancient authors who criticize the AThl never make asceticism an
issue; rather, they focus on its example of female authority.
And, as I have argued elsewhere, ascetic rigorism is simply the norm for II C.E. Christianity
in Asia Minor.
Thus, the author of the APl (and, hence, of the extant text of the AThl)
fits well within the second century Christian mainstream.
While
orthodoxy may have been a prerequisite to being an official of the Great Church,
not every orthodox writer was an official of the church (e.g., Tertullian was
not a presbyter). Of the four options that remain—male or female official,
layman or laywoman—the "female official" seems the least likely solution
to the question of our author's identity. It is difficult to reconcile Davies'
theory (see #2 above)—that the authors of the text were "widows" financially
supported by the great church—with the evidence of the backlash against
precisely these groups which we find in the Pastoral Epistles (e.g., 1 Tim
2:9-15, 5:3-16), particularly since the Pastorals have been dated earlier than
the text of the AThl. Beyond this, any suggestion of identity must remain
hypothetical.
While
it may have been more difficult (and expensive) for a "layman" or "laywoman" to
propagate a document such as this, it certainly was not impossible for an individual
of high social standing. A church official would have easy access to the channels
for transmitting such reports, but no doubt the same channels would be available
to an individual with good social connections (e.g., an aristocratic man or
woman). And the only ancient source who provides further information in this
regard is Tertullian, a hostile witness. While his account may be historically
accurate, it is also possible that he "enhanced" it, adducing an example of
a young presbyter being removed from his office to demonstrate just how dangerous
the AThl can be—at least to male church officials.
If
there is a change in sex from the tellers of the folktale to the author/redactor
of the text, we should expect the text to preserve some evidence of this. For
example, if the written text of the AThl shows evidence of shifts in
perception or treatment of such issues as female rôles and authority,
or in inconsistencies in the treatment and portrayal of male figures, then
it would imply that the author/redactor of the text was of a different sex
than the tellers of the tale. Since there is a consensus that the folktale
was transmitted by female storytellers, such evidence would imply that the
author/redactor was male. Dennis MacDonald has demonstrated that such "textualized
alterations of the story" indeed dominate the story of Thecla once it is imbedded
in the Acts of Paul.
The question that remains, then, is whether such "textualized alterations" affect
the AThl taken in isolation from the rest of the APl since, from
the third century onward, the Thecla legend certainly did circulate independently.
In
the commentary that follows, I will point out instances where I believe there
is evidence that such a reorientation has taken place in the transition from
the Thecla story to the written AThl. The theory that I will follow
in my interpretation is that the author/redactor of the text was a well-placed
male member of the mainline Christian church in Asia Minor who took a woman's
folktale about Thecla and "domesticated" it, giving Paul more prominence in
the story, and transforming it from the Acts of Thecla into the Acts
of Paul and Thecla.
PRESENT LITERARY CONTEXT IN THE ACTS OF PAUL
The AThl is
the third episode of eleven in the APl. It follows two quite fragmentary
sections relating: (1) Paul's post-conversion journey from Damascus to Jericho
(Jerusalem?), during which he baptizes a (male) lion; and (2) a sojourn of
Paul in Antioch (but which one?), during which he raises the son of Anchares
and Phila. The series of episodes which follows the AThl concern Paul's
activity in: (4) Myra, where he heals Hermocrates of dropsy and converts his
wife and children (two sons); (5) Sidon, where Thrasymachus and Cleon (with
their wives, Aline and Chrysa) are mentioned as disciples of Paul; (6) Tyre,
where Paul drives out demons and two men are named (Amphion and Chrysippus);
(7) Ephesus, where the baptized lion becomes a central figure; (8) Philippi,
where Paul raises from the dead Frontina, the daughter of Firmilla; (9) Corinth,
where Myrta prophesies that Paul will convert many in Rome; (10) the journey
to Italy; and (11) the martyrdom of Paul. A closer
look at episode two illustrates just how unsympathetic is the treatment of
women in these scenes of the APl. The sole female character is known
by name, but her significance and social station are characterized by her relationships
to men—she is Phila, the boy's mother (and the wife of Anchares). And,
contrary to the key male figures, she is depicted as hostile to Paul (she initially
prevents his entrance into the house and thereby denies him the opportunity
to work his miraculous intervention). Building on the opposition theme introduced via Phila,
the cure results in an attempt to stone Paul, and he is cast out of the territory
of Antioch. The redactor may even mean to imply that Phila participated in
these atrocities, since Anchares is exonerated but she is not.
And
this episode is not unique. It is striking that, as far as we can tell from
the fragmentary nature of the manuscripts, all of the key characters in these
other sections of the APl are male (even the animal!). Women do get
speaking parts in scenes seven, eight, and nine but, even so, the narrator
betrays no interest in the female figures themselves; they simply serve to
show or proclaim Paul's power and authority. And in scene seven, after attending
more closely to the interests and activities of Artemilla and Eubula,
and recounting their baptism by Paul, the narrator reports that Paul "dismissed
[Artemilla] to her husband, Hieronymus.
The women hear Paul's gospel, but clearly it is to have no effect on their
social status and marital relations. As it stands now, the lion plays a more
positive and significant rôle in this scene than do the women; he helps
to rescue Paul, whereas they provide the context for the persecution against
him. This dismissive and even antagonistic treatment of women provides the
present literary context of the AThl.
II. COMMENTARY
Paul's
Arrival in Iconium (1-4)
The AThl begins
(c. 1) with Paul's arrival in Iconium after his flight from Antioch. He has
two male traveling companions, one Demas
and Hermogenes the copper-smith,
who are depicted by the narrator as false brethren—i.e., being false
to Paul means being false to Christ (cf. 1 Tim 19b-20; 2 Tim 1:15; 2:17b-18a).
Paul's attitude toward them was to return good for evil,
loving them (cf. 2 Tim 2:24-26; 4:2; Tit 1:9; 2:8a) and teaching them the "all
the words of the Lord"
in a way that was appealing to them (cf. Prov 15:26b; 18:4; Col 4:6) and faithful
to the revelation Paul had received (cf. Acts 9; Gal 1:15-16a; 1 Tim 4:6; Tit
1:3; 2:1) of "the great acts of Christ."
The narrator indicates that this message is fully orthodox
by specifying that Paul's "words" include the Gospel "of the birth and of the
resurrection of the Beloved."
Thus, the gospel message according to the AThl includes the affirmation
of the incarnation and resurrection of Christ, contra gnosticism and
docetism.
(2)
An Iconian Christian named Onesiphorus anticipates Paul's arrival, and goes
with his family
to meet Paul. Though other individuals are mentioned by name (i.e., Simmias,
Zeno, Lectra), it is obvious that Onesiphorus is the central figure at this
point, for the report continues in the third person singular. The narrator
indicates that Onesiphorus wants to offer him the hospitality of his household.
To recognize Paul, Onesiphorus will have to rely on the description Titus had
given him,
for until now he had seen Paul "only in the spirit."
(3) Onesiphorus alone waits for Paul along the road to Lystra and recognizes
him as fitting the description of Titus.
Paul's lofty spiritual stature is indicated by the observation that "now he
appeared like a man, and now he had the face of an angel."
This description points to the mediating rôle of Paul; it recognizes
his humanity, while simultaneously implying that the message Paul conveys must
be heard not as mere human teaching but as the very word of God.
(4)
When they meet, Paul and Onesiphorus exchange formal greetings. Paul's companions,
Demas and Hermogenes, become "jealous" because Onesiphorus refers to Paul alone
as "servant of the blessed God."
Since the audience already knows that they are traitorous (c. 1), Onesiphorus'
powers of spiritual discernment (cf. Mal 3:18; 1 Cor 12:10) are made explicit
when he responds to their protest by remarking: "I do not see in you any fruit
of righteousness . . . ."
Nevertheless, he offers to them the hospitality of his home and, thereby, the
chance to repent (a chance which, we later discover, they refuse).
The
Gospel of Continence and the Resurrection (5-6)
(5)
Paul's arrival in Onesiphorus' house prompts "great joy, and bowing of knees
and breaking of bread, and the word of God concerning continence and the resurrection
. . . ."
None but the last of these phrases should strike us as remarkable. Great joy
is a typical Biblical sign of the presence and power of God.
Similarly, bowing the knee is a sign of true worship, the appropriate response
to God's presence (e.g., Gen 41:43; Is 45:23; Mt 27:29; Mk 15:19; Rom 14:11;
Phil 2:10.). The breaking of bread is an obvious reference to a eucharistic
meal as the context for Paul's preaching. However, the description of the Christian
message as "concerning continence and the resurrection" strikes an unfamiliar
chord, raising the question of the relationship between the two. The ensuing
report of Paul's proclamation (c. 5-6) suggests that the relationship between "continence" and
the resurrection is quite an intimate one.
Paul's
preaching consists of thirteen beatitudes (or macarisms), beginning with a
quotation of Mt 5:8 and using the word "pure" as a springboard to the related
themes of: chastity; renunciation of the world; fear of God and of God's word;
receiving the wisdom and understanding of Jesus Christ; keeping one's baptism "secure;"
and being merciful (Mt 5:7).
Those who exhibit these values will: see God (Mt 5:8); become temples of God;
be pleasing to God; "inherit God;"
be comforted (Mt 5:4); become angels of God;
be called "sons of the Most High" (cf. Mt 5:9); find rest "with the Father
and the Son;"
be in light;
judge angels (cf. 1 Cor 6:3); be rewarded; escape the day of judgment (Rom
2:3). Finally, "to them will God speak" (cf. Num 12:8; Ezek 2:1; Hos 2:14;
Dan 10:11).
This
set of macarisms shows marked variations from the beatitudes of Matthew or
Luke. There is a repeated emphasis on renunciation of the world and adoption,
through baptism, of a new "form" of "angelic" life: purity, continence, or
detachment from conjugal relations (cf. Mk 12:25). The use of these three categories
show it is not one's state in life—in this case, one's marital status—that
affects participation in the resurrection (cf. 1 Cor 7:17, 20, 24, 26). Rather,
it is sexual activity itself which has the impact. Those who have never married
(virgins) can enter into the resurrection if they are characterized by purity
(katharōs); those once married (divorced or widowed persons)
must now choose continence; those who "have wives" must live "as if they have
them not" (1 Cor 7:29). In the apocalyptic perspective of the AThl,
moral purity (which in this case includes sexual abstinence) becomes the grounds
for salvation.
One
should remark that, on this point, the AThl represents mainstream Christianity.
In I-II C.E. the Christian
movement as a whole is marked by apocalypticism, and particularly in the region
of Asia Minor. One has only to recall the Apocalypse of John, Papias, and the
Montanist movement as three key examples. This perspective was geographically
widespread, as is demonstrated by a few well-known examples: The Odes of
Solomon (Syria), the Hermetic writings (Rome), and the set of apocalypses
which were included in the Nag Hammadi Library (Egypt). The immediate discussion
in the AThl is grounded in Paul's apocalyptic theology as expressed
in 1 Cor 7, especially verses 29-35.
Also,
one should note that the AThl is not unique in recommending sexual abstinence
as the appropriate response to an apocalyptic situation. The teachings of Jesus
on the family—and particularly the saying that one must hate one's parents,
siblings, wife and children (Lk 14:26)—show that it pales in significance
next to the community of disciples, which is the only legitimate family (Mk
3:31-35 and parallels; cf. Jn 19:27). Add to this Paul's uncomfortable discussion
in 1 Cor 7, where he wants to recommend celibacy to all Christians yet concedes
that those who would be tempted to sexual immorality (porneia) would
do better to concentrate on the basics of moral behavior. In Jewish circles,
there are the well-known examples of the celibate Essene community at Qumran
and the Therapeutae.
Clearly
the AThl does emphasis sexual abstinence, but this emphasis should not
be taken as implying that continence is the sole requirement for attaining
the life of the resurrection. For example, it would be ludicrous to suggest
that the AThl teaches that one could be an unrepentant liar and thief
but, if continent, still receive blessing from God. `Departing from the form
of this world' includes much more than sexual purity; but these other moral
virtues are assumed by the text because they are points on which there is widespread
public agreement (by Christians, Jews, and pagans). The point of contention
is sexual abstinence, so it receives center stage.
Among
Christians who do embrace a life of continence, virgins have a special status.
The last and longest of the beatitudes extols their choice, and claims that
they receive a special blessing from God: