The Acts of Thecla


Paul's Arrival in Iconium (1-4)


The Gospel of Continence and the Resurrection (5-6)

 

Blessed are the bodies of the virgins, for they shall be well pleasing to God, and shall not lose the reward of their purity. For the word of the Father shall be for them a work of salvation in the day of his Son, and they shall have rest for ever and ever.


Thecla Hears the Word of the Virginal Life (7)


Theocleia and Thamyris Conspire against Thecla (8-10)


Thamyris Conspires with Demas and Hermogenes (11-14)


Paul's Arrest and Hearing (15-17)


Thecla and Paul in Prison (18-20)


Thecla's Miraculous Deliverance from the Pyre (21-22)


Thecla is Reunited with Paul (23-25)


Thecla's Arrival and Arrest in Antioch (26-27a)


Thecla and the Lioness Vanquish the Beasts (27b-35)


Victorious, Thecla Returns to the Women (36-39)


Thecla Commissioned to Preach the Gospel (40-43)




CONCLUSION


            There are striking contrasts between the portrayal of women in the AThl in comparison with the other portions of the APl. This makes it clear that the redactor of the APl had a markedly different view of the place of women in early Christianity than did the story tellers who relayed the Thecla account. The redactor who included the Thecla story in the APl focussed on the significance of men in early Christianity, and particularly on the person of Paul. Every other man in the APl pales in comparison with Paul. But women are not only subordinated to Paul; when they are significant characters, they are either opponents of Paul or the vehicle for men's opposition to him.

            The final message of these sections of the APl is that women -- even women sympathetic to the Christian message -- are dangerous to the Christian mission. Whether sympathetic or not, they cause persecution of authentic (male) Christian preachers. Female converts threaten to upset the social order -- a threat which should be controlled by sending the women back to their husbands (cf. 1 Cor 14:33b-36; 1 Tim 2:9-15).

            The AThl creates a nearly perfect reversal of this message. While both men and women are interested in the Christian message, it is the women who are depicted as faithful to it. Even Paul, the chief male figure, is portrayed as lukewarm at best. He betrays Thecla more than once, and leaves her to suffer persecution while he escapes from the scene. Paul opposes her baptism and preaching ministry, while God validates it by miraculous signs and by the number of converts she makes. Belatedly, Paul concurs with God's call of Thecla to ministry.

            Thecla's counter-cultural choice of virginity is not her own idea, but the word of God which she accepts whole-heartedly. God ratifies this choice in two ways: by the resulting persecution, which proves that she is faithful to the Lord (Mt 5:11-12); and by her victory over such opposition. Even the death of Thamyris, noted at the end of the legend, shows that Thecla has chosen the better part; the life of the flesh is transitory, while the virginal life leads to the resurrection. The vibrant Thecla cult, which survives well into the fifth century, demonstrates the attraction such a message had for Christian women. Footnote

            The AThl nowhere suggests that a woman can be saved only by leading "the virginal life" chosen by Thecla. But it does seem to suggest that such a lifestyle is the prerequisite for a woman's involvement in Christian ministry. And, although Thecla's adoption of a man's dress and hairstyle may mean that a woman must become "manly" to be allowed to refuse marriage and pursue a public career as did Thecla, Footnote this is understandable as a second century evaluation of the practical situation. If we reject such an evaluation, it does not mean that we must reject the story itself.

            The AThl reports the tale of a woman who was grasped by the message of Christ, and who gave up everything to devote her life to living and preaching this message. In spite of tremendous misfortune, Thecla remained faithful to the apocalyptic gospel "of continence and the resurrection." Her vision of Christ strengthened her to endure to the end. In this basic message, the AThl fits well with the other Christian literature of the second and third centuries. And by presenting a Christian woman in the rôle of apostle, the AThl opens possibilities for imagination and action among Christian readers today.

The Acts of Thecla

Sheila E. McGinn, Ph.D. Footnote

 

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bovon, F., Junod, E., and Kaestli, J-D., eds., Les Actes Apocryphes des Apôtres: Christianisme et Monde Païen, (Publications de la Faculté de Théologie de l'Université de Genève, no. 4; Labor et Fides, 1981). Burrus, V., Chastity as Autonomy: Women in the Stories of the Apocryphal Acts (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen, 1987). Corrington, G. P., "The `Divine Woman'? Propaganda and the Power of Chastity in the New Testament Apocrypha," Helios [Lubbock, TX] 13 (2, 1986): 151-161. Davies, S. L., The Revolt of the Widows: The Social World of the Apocryphal Acts (New York: Winston/Seabury, 1980). Kraemer, R. S., "The Conversion of Women to Ascetic Forms of Christianity," Signs (2, 1980) 6: 298-307. MacDonald, D. R., "The Role of Women in the Production of the Apocryphal Acts of Apostles," Iliff Review 40 (4, 1983) 21-38; ed., Semeia 38: The Apocryphal Acts of Apostles (Decatur, GA: Scholars Press, 1986); "From Audita to Legenda: Oral and Written Miracle Stories," Forum: Foundations & Facets 2 (4, 1986): 15-26. Ramsay, W. M., "The Acta of Paul and Thekla," The Church in the Roman Empire Before A.D. 170 (G. P. Putnam, 1893; Baker Book House, 1954), 390-410. Schmidt, C., Acta Pauli aus der heidelberger koptischen Papyrushandschrift Nr. 1 (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1965). Schneemelcher, W., "Acts of Paul," New Testament Apocrypha, Revised Edition, W. Schneemelcher, ed . (Cambridge: James Clark & Co.; Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox, 1964), II: 213-270.

 

I. INTRODUCTION

 

    The Acts of Thecla (AThl), also known as The Acts of Paul and Thecla or The Martyrdom of the Holy Proto-Martyr Thecla, is one of the few surviving texts of early Christianity which features a female figure in its key rôle. Once imbedded within the apocryphal Acts of Paul (APl), the Athl also circulated as an independent narrative.

 

    Text

    The text of the AThl is attested in the Greek original and Latin translation as well as in Old Syriac, Armenian, Old Slavonic, Ethiopic, Arabic, and Coptic versions. Footnote A list of the most significant texts, and an English translation, can be found in Wilhelm Schneemelcher's discussion of the "Acts of Paul" in the collection of New Testament Apocrypha initiated by Edgar Hennecke. Footnote Currently underway is a critical edition of the text of the APl (including the AThl), by Willy Rordorf, which will be published in the new Brepols Series Corpus Christianorum, Series Apocryphorum. Footnote

 

    Methodological Considerations

    The AAA long have been viewed as sharing a common tradition. Footnote There are elements of the narratives which are repeated in the various AAA, for example, the "chastity stories" analyzed by Virginia Burrus. Thus, study of any one of the AAA cannot be done in isolation from the others. Yet, each of the AAA also has its unique character which cannot be overlooked. Both these points are particularly significant for an understanding of the AThl, since the AThl was preserved most often not as an independent Acts but as a part of the APl. And yet, there is clearly a break in the narrative of the APl where the AThl is inserted, and the AThl presents some viewpoints which are remarkably distinct from the APl -- e.g., in regard to both women and Paul.

    For a decade or more, the androcentric bias of the textual tradition of early Christianity has been widely recognized. Scholars taking a "sociology of knowledge" perspective have also brought into question the very methods used for studying such texts -- as well as non-textual data -- because of the biased nature of all these approaches when it comes to uncovering the history of women. It is now a commonplace that the surviving texts of the early Christian era are written and preserved by the educated class. Thus, they cannot be viewed as being representative of the views and interests of all persons in society; rather, one must be much more circumspect about generalizing from the opinions of the elite to the general population. At best, the texts may represent the views of the elite class about the other classes.

    It is likewise the case with women: texts may include discussions of women, but most often these discussions convey men's views of women, not women's views of themselves. In the case of the AAA, while the models reflected there indeed "are different from those which that church sanctioned . . . ," Footnote the fact that the AAA were not transmitted within the canon does not preclude their having been affected by the redactional interests of an institutional and patriarchal church. The re-contextualization of the Thecla legend within the APl itself has the effect of subordinating the woman's story to that of the man, surely a reflection of the patriarchal interests of the church. One must be careful in trying to recover a "social history of women" from a textual tradition which itself is elitist and androcentric.

    These facts make it imperative that one develop a significantly different stance from which to utilize the traditional methods of scholarly analysis. Following such feminist scholars as Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza Footnote and Letty M. Russell, Footnote and philosophical theorist Hans-Georg Gadamer, Footnote I take a "hermeneutic of suspicion" as my basic stance or approach to the data of the early Christian era.

Since the hermeneutical stance, by definition, precedes methodology, one cannot speak so much of a difference in method, as a difference in the way in which the data gleaned from the application of traditional methods are assessed. Textual analysis must be undertaken with the awareness that all the surviving texts of early Christianity are filtered through an androcentric and patriarchal perspective and, therefore, suppress (and often devalue) the activities and experiences of women while highlighting and extolling the experiences and activities of men. Hence, one must always ask not only what is being said by the author, but also what is being assumed or ignored, marginalized or repressed.

    This difference in hermeneutical stance has striking effects both the questions asked and the answers uncovered in an investigation of this type. The very shape of this Commentary, including as it does the canonical as well as some of the non-canonical scriptures, calls into question -- even refutes -- the traditional assumption that the historical process of determining the content and scope of the scriptural canon itself is free of such androcentric bias. That this commentary on the AThl exists at all is the fruit of such a new feminist critical stance toward the study of early Christianity.

    A brief review of a few of the traditional assumptions about the AAA, including the AThl, will serve to illustrate this point. First, until quite recently there was a strict boundary between the apocryphal and the canonical writings, with the non-canonical writings being viewed as less important and less representative of the history of early Christianity, and simply because they are non-canonical. This imaginary boundary is now breaking down, and with it are going some assumptions about such "apocryphal" writings -- e.g., 1) that they were rejected because they teach heresy; 2) that they represent forms of discipline which were aberrant in their socio-historical context (i.e., they were produced by "schismatic" sects); 3) that, as a result, there is nothing for Christians to learn from the theology and spirituality espoused by the apocryphal texts.

    In this introduction, I aim to refute the first two of these assumptions. A question which will be in the background of this commentary, then, is why this text became one of the "rejected" works if doctrine and ascetic discipline are not viable reasons. I suggest that the highlighting of a woman as an apostle of early Christianity had a tremendous influence upon the decision of third century opponents of the APl to brand it as heretical.

    The commentary which follows is based on the premise that, in the case of the AThl, the third assumption is similarly groundless. Socio-historical analysis of the AThl reveals not only the socio-cultural background of the audience and author of the text which are examined, but also the social, economic, political and religious forces in second century Asia Minor which shaped them and their self-expressions. A study of this second century legend thus can aid in an historical reconstruction of the early Christian movement. Finally, it can be formative for development of a contemporary theological synthesis which takes into account the experience and theology of women.

 

    Date

    Along with most of the other Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles (AAA), this text generally has been dated to the second half of the second century. Although the earliest definitive evidence of a written text of the APl (including the AThl) is from the Codex Claromontanus (fourth century CE), Footnote Tertullian of Carthage (160-after 220) typically has provided the terminus ante quem for any discussion of dating. However, there have been two flaws in these discussions: (1) they have assumed a necessary connection between the AThl and the APl from the start; (2) they have not distinguished between access to the written text and knowledge of the Thecla story.

    From Hippolytus of Rome (ca. 170-235) Footnote and Origen of Alexandria (185-254/5), Footnote we know that the text of the APl was used in Rome and Alexandria by the mid-third century; however, they do not cite the AThl. This is not, therefore, reliable evidence for dating the AThl.

    Tertullian's evidence is ambiguous. Clearly he opposes those who use Thecla's example to argue for women's ministerial authority. Footnote Yet this case could as easily have been supported by an oral tradition as a literary document. The most we can say, then, is that Tertullian's remarks indicate that, by the beginning of the third century CE, the Thecla story was known in North Africa and was being used by its story tellers to validate the active rôle of women in Christian ministries.

    No later than the fourth century, the text had become -- at least for some -- a part of the canonical scriptures. Footnote But for now its origins remain obscure.

 

    Provenance

    The AThl, like the APl, originated in Asia Minor; both internal and external evidence supports this claim. Footnote More than this we cannot say, although later cultic traditions would support Iconium or Seleucia.

 

    Composition

    There are three main theories of composition of the anonymous work. (1) The AThl was originally a literary work produced by an unknown presbyter of Asia Minor (mentioned by Tertullian) who composed the APl as a whole. Footnote (2) A community of "widows" (continent Christian women who were supported by the institutional church) wrote the entire APl, including the AThl. Footnote (3) The AThl has its origins in a legend tradition or oral folk story told by women, Footnote which subsequently took written form. Footnote

    This last theory of composition seems to make most sense of the existing data for a variety of reasons. First, this theory posits the same historical pattern as is evident in the composition of the Gospel narratives and which is explicitly mentioned by the author of Luke-Acts -- and there is no particular reason to presume that the "apocryphal" works of the same genre followed a different pattern. Second, it better accounts for the survival of a tradition which offers such a positive portrayal of women while exhibiting an unsympathetic or even hostile attitude toward men. Third, one can account for both the similarities and differences between the AThl and the Hellenistic romantic novel if one allows for common elements in their folktale origins, rather than requiring literary dependence. Footnote Finally, the theory of folk origins accounts for the wide variations to the endings found in the extant versions of the AThl, since storytellers are known to "translate" their folktales by using physical features of the new locale, and adding place names and other such details to link the legend with the immediate audience of the tale. Footnote

 

    Authorship

    The question of the identity of the final author/ redactor of the APl, who combined the Thecla legend with the pseudonymous Pauline letter III Corinthians and the legend of Paul at Ephesus, remains to be decided. Footnote Though the author's "orthodoxy" is widely accepted, the questions of the author's sex and status in relation to the great church are more persistent.

    First of all, the author is a member of the great church in the sense of doctrinal orthodoxy. While the AAA as a whole are marked by tendencies toward encratism -- a fact which may cause a certain amount of discomfort to the contemporary reader -- this rigorous asceticism should not cause the reader to judge the AThl as heterodox for its own time. Footnote The ancient authors who criticize the AThl never make asceticism an issue; rather, they focus on its example of female authority. Footnote And, as I have argued elsewhere, ascetic rigorism is simply the norm for II CE Christianity in Asia Minor. Footnote Thus, the author of the APl (and, hence, of the extant text of the AThl) fits well within the second century Christian mainstream.

    While orthodoxy may have been a prerequisite to being an official of the Great Church, not every orthodox writer was an official of the church (e.g., Tertullian was not a presbyter). Of the four options that remain -- male or female official, layman or laywoman -- the "female official" seems the least likely solution to the question of our author's identity. It is difficult to reconcile Davies' theory (see #2 above) -- that the authors of the text were "widows" financially supported by the great church -- with the evidence of the backlash against precisely these groups which we find in the Pastoral Epistles (e.g., 1 Tim 2:9-15, 5:3-16), particularly since the Pastorals have been dated earlier than the text of the AThl. Beyond this, any suggestion of identity must remain hypothetical. Footnote

    While it may have been more difficult (and expensive) for a "layman" or "laywoman" to propagate a document such as this, it certainly was not impossible for an individual of high social standing. A church official would have easy access to the channels for transmitting such reports, but no doubt the same channels would be available to an individual with good social connections (e.g., an aristocratic man or woman). And the only ancient source who provides further information in this regard is Tertullian, a hostile witness. While his account may be historically accurate, it is also possible that he "enhanced" it, adducing an example of a young presbyter being removed from his office to demonstrate just how dangerous the AThl can be -- at least to male church officials.

    If there is a change in sex from the tellers of the folktale to the author/redactor of the text, we should expect the text to preserve some evidence of this. For example, if the written text of the AThl shows evidence of shifts in perception or treatment of such issues as female rôles and authority, or in inconsistencies in the treatment and portrayal of male figures, then it would imply that the author/redactor of the text was of a different sex than the tellers of the tale. Since there is a consensus that the folktale was transmitted by female storytellers, such evidence would imply that the author/redactor was male. Dennis MacDonald has demonstrated that such "textualized alterations of the story" indeed dominate the story of Thecla once it is imbedded in the Acts of Paul. Footnote The question that remains, then, is whether such "textualized alterations" affect the AThl taken in isolation from the rest of the APl since, from the third century onward, the Thecla legend certainly did circulate independently.

    In the commentary that follows, I will point out instances where I believe there is evidence that such a reorientation has taken place in the transition from the Thecla story to the written AThl. The theory that I will follow in my interpretation is that the author/redactor of the text was a well-placed male member of the mainline Christian church in Asia Minor who took a woman's folktale about Thecla and "domesticated" it, giving Paul more prominence in the story, and transforming it from the Acts of Thecla into the Acts of Paul and Thecla.

 

PRESENT LITERARY CONTEXT IN THE ACTS OF PAUL

    The AThl is the third episode of eleven in the APl. It follows two quite fragmentary sections relating: (1) Paul's post-conversion journey from Damascus to Jericho (Jerusalem?), during which he baptizes a (male) lion; and (2) a sojourn of Paul in Antioch (but which one?), during which he raises the son of Anchares and Phila. The series of episodes which follows the AThl concern Paul's activity in: (4) Myra, where he heals Hermocrates of dropsy and converts his wife and children (two sons); (5) Sidon, where Thrasymachus and Cleon (with their wives, Aline and Chrysa) are mentioned as disciples of Paul; (6) Tyre, where Paul drives out demons and two men are named (Amphion and Chrysippus); (7) Ephesus, where the baptized lion becomes a central figure; (8) Philippi, where Paul raises from the dead Frontina, the daughter of Firmilla; (9) Corinth, where Myrta prophesies that Paul will convert many in Rome; (10) the journey to Italy; and (11) the martyrdom of Paul.     A closer look at episode two illustrates just how unsympathetic is the treatment of women in these scenes of the APl. The sole female character is known by name, but her significance and social station are characterized by her relationships to men -- she is Phila, the boy's mother (and the wife of Anchares). And, contrary to the key male figures, she is depicted as hostile to Paul (she initially prevents his entrance into the house and thereby denies him the opportunity to work his miraculous intervention). Building on the opposition theme introduced via Phila, the cure results in an attempt to stone Paul, and he is cast out of the territory of Antioch. The redactor may even mean to imply that Phila participated in these atrocities, since Anchares is exonerated but she is not.

    And this episode is not unique. It is striking that, as far as we can tell from the fragmentary nature of the manuscripts, all of the key characters in these other sections of the APl are male (even the animal!). Women do get speaking parts in scenes seven, eight, and nine but, even so, the narrator betrays no interest in the female figures themselves; they simply serve to show or proclaim Paul's power and authority. And in scene seven, after attending more closely to the interests and activities of Artemilla and Eubula, Footnote and recounting their baptism by Paul, the narrator reports that Paul "dismissed [Artemilla] to her husband, Hieronymus. Footnote The women hear Paul's gospel, but clearly it is to have no effect on their social status and marital relations. As it stands now, the lion plays a more positive and significant rôle in this scene than do the women; he helps to rescue Paul, whereas they provide the context for the persecution against him. This dismissive and even antagonistic treatment of women provides the present literary context of the AThl.

 

II. COMMENTARY

 

    Paul's Arrival in Iconium (1-4)

    The AThl begins (c. 1) with Paul's arrival in Iconium after his flight from Antioch. He has two male traveling companions, one Demas Footnote and Hermogenes the copper-smith, Footnote who are depicted by the narrator as false brethren -- i.e., being false to Paul means being false to Christ (cf. 1 Tim 19b-20; 2 Tim 1:15; 2:17b-18a). Paul's attitude toward them was to return good for evil, Footnote loving them (cf. 2 Tim 2:24-26; 4:2; Tit 1:9; 2:8a) and teaching them the "all the words of the Lord" Footnote in a way that was appealing to them (cf. Prov 15:26b; 18:4; Col 4:6) and faithful to the revelation Paul had received (cf. Acts 9; Gal 1:15-16a; 1 Tim 4:6; Tit 1:3; 2:1) of "the great acts of Christ." Footnote The narrator indicates that this message is fully orthodox Footnote by specifying that Paul's "words" include the Gospel "of the birth and of the resurrection of the Beloved." Footnote Thus, the gospel message according to the AThl includes the affirmation of the incarnation and resurrection of Christ, contra gnosticism and docetism.

    (2) An Iconian Christian named Onesiphorus anticipates Paul's arrival, and goes with his family Footnote to meet Paul. Though other individuals are mentioned by name (i.e., Simmias, Zeno, Lectra), it is obvious that Onesiphorus is the central figure at this point, for the report continues in the third person singular. The narrator indicates that Onesiphorus wants to offer him the hospitality of his household. To recognize Paul, Onesiphorus will have to rely on the description Titus had given him, Footnote for until now he had seen Paul "only in the spirit." Footnote (3) Onesiphorus alone waits for Paul along the road to Lystra and recognizes him as fitting the description of Titus. Footnote Paul's lofty spiritual stature is indicated by the observation that "now he appeared like a man, and now he had the face of an angel." Footnote This description points to the mediating rôle of Paul; it recognizes his humanity, while simultaneously implying that the message Paul conveys must be heard not as mere human teaching but as the very word of God.

    (4) When they meet, Paul and Onesiphorus exchange formal greetings. Paul's companions, Demas and Hermogenes, become "jealous" because Onesiphorus refers to Paul alone as "servant of the blessed God." Footnote Since the audience already knows that they are traitorous (c. 1), Onesiphorus' powers of spiritual discernment (cf. Mal 3:18; 1 Cor 12:10) are made explicit when he responds to their protest by remarking: "I do not see in you any fruit of righteousness . . . ." Footnote Nevertheless, he offers to them the hospitality of his home and, thereby, the chance to repent (a chance which, we later discover, they refuse).

 

    The Gospel of Continence and the Resurrection (5-6)

    (5) Paul's arrival in Onesiphorus' house prompts "great joy, and bowing of knees and breaking of bread, and the word of God concerning continence and the resurrection . . . ."

None but the last of these phrases should strike us as remarkable. Great joy is a typical Biblical sign of the presence and power of God. Footnote Similarly, bowing the knee is a sign of true worship, the appropriate response to God's presence (e.g., Gen 41:43; Is 45:23; Mt 27:29; Mk 15:19; Rom 14:11; Phil 2:10.). The breaking of bread is an obvious reference to a eucharistic meal as the context for Paul's preaching. However, the description of the Christian message as "concerning continence and the resurrection" strikes an unfamiliar chord, raising the question of the relationship between the two. The ensuing report of Paul's proclamation (c. 5-6) suggests that the relationship between "continence" and the resurrection is quite an intimate one.

    Paul's preaching consists of thirteen beatitudes (or macarisms), beginning with a quotation of Mt 5:8 and using the word "pure" as a springboard to the related themes of: chastity; renunciation of the world; fear of God and of God's word; receiving the wisdom and understanding of Jesus Christ; keeping one's baptism "secure;" Footnote and being merciful (Mt 5:7). Footnote Those who exhibit these values will: see God (Mt 5:8); become temples of God; Footnote be pleasing to God; "inherit God;" Footnote be comforted (Mt 5:4); become angels of God; Footnote be called "sons of the Most High" (cf. Mt 5:9); find rest "with the Father and the Son;" Footnote be in light; Footnote judge angels (cf. 1 Cor 6:3); be rewarded; escape the day of judgment (Rom 2:3). Finally, "to them will God speak" (cf. Num 12:8; Ezek 2:1; Hos 2:14; Dan 10:11).

    This set of macarisms shows marked variations from the beatitudes of Matthew or Luke. There is a repeated emphasis on renunciation of the world and adoption, through baptism, of a new "form" of "angelic" life: purity, continence, or detachment from conjugal relations (cf. Mk 12:25). The use of these three categories show it is not one's state in life -- in this case, one's marital status -- that affects participation in the resurrection (cf. 1 Cor 7:17, 20, 24, 26). Rather, it is sexual activity itself which has the impact. Those who have never married (virgins) can enter into the resurrection if they are characterized by purity (katharōs); those once married (divorced or widowed persons) must now choose continence; those who "have wives" must live "as if they have them not" (1 Cor 7:29). In the apocalyptic perspective of the AThl, moral purity (which in this case includes sexual abstinence) becomes the grounds for salvation.

    One should remark that, on this point, the AThl represents mainstream Christianity. In I-II CE, the Christian movement as a whole is marked by apocalypticism, and particularly in the region of Asia Minor. One has only to recall the Apocalypse of John, Papias, and the Montanist movement as three key examples. This perspective was geographically widespread, as is demonstrated by a few well-known examples: The Odes of Solomon (Syria), the Hermetic writings (Rome), and the set of apocalypses which were included in the Nag Hammadi Library (Egypt). The immediate discussion in the AThl is grounded in Paul's apocalyptic theology as expressed in 1 Cor 7, especially verses 29-35.

    Also, one should note that the AThl is not unique in recommending sexual abstinence as the appropriate response to an apocalyptic situation. The teachings of Jesus on the family -- and particularly the saying that one must hate one's parents, siblings, wife and children (Lk 14:26) -- show that it pales in significance next to the community of disciples, which is the only legitimate family (Mk 3:31-35 and parallels; cf. Jn 19:27). Add to this Paul's uncomfortable discussion in 1 Cor 7, where he wants to recommend celibacy to all Christians yet concedes that those who would be tempted to sexual immorality (porneia) would do better to concentrate on the basics of moral behavior. In Jewish circles, there are the well-known examples of the celibate Essene community at Qumran and the Therapeutae.

    Clearly the AThl does emphasis sexual abstinence, but this emphasis should not be taken as implying that continence is the sole requirement for attaining the life of the resurrection. For example, it would be ludicrous to suggest that the AThl teaches that one could be an unrepentant liar and thief but, if continent, still receive blessing from God. `Departing from the form of this world' includes much more than sexual purity; but these other moral virtues are assumed by the text because they are points on which there is widespread public agreement (by Christians, Jews, and pagans). The point of contention is sexual abstinence, so it receives center stage.

    Among Christians who do embrace a life of continence, virgins have a special status. The last and longest of the beatitudes extols their choice, and claims that they receive a special blessing from God:

EXT Blessed are the bodies of the virgins, for they shall be well pleasing to God, and shall not lose the reward of their purity. Footnote For the word of the Father Footnote shall be for them a work of salvation Footnote in the day of his Son, Footnote and they shall have rest for ever and ever. Footnote

As will be shown throughout the rest of this commentary, this passage is pivotal to understanding the AThl. It serves as a synopsis of the theology of the entire Thecla story.

    As far as we can see, the eschatological "reward of their purity" is the same for the virgins as for other continent Christians: participation in the resurrection and divine "rest." However, the virgins receive a foretaste of this reward even now, for God speaks to them (c. 5, beatitude #3) and the word of God becomes their work of salvation. In other words, they receive the gift of prophecy. This gift of the "understanding of Jesus Christ" brings conversion in the recipients (c. 6, #10), and the "wisdom of Jesus Christ" validates their salvation, bringing others to call them "sons of the Most High" (c. 6, #8).

    However, one should not misconstrue this wisdom and understanding of Jesus Christ, "the word of the Father," as if it were private revelation, with validation attendant upon the final coming. On the contrary, this prophetic word becomes the present "work" of the virgins: through public proclamation they bring others to salvation, thereby earning the title "sons of the Most High;" Footnote and in their prophetic actions -- both of renouncing sexual relations and embracing an itinerant life of public ministry to the Word -- they embody God's present work of salvation among women and men. The life of Thecla provides the key illustration of this.

 

    Thecla Hears the Word of the Virgin Life (7)

    (7) While Paul addresses this sermon to the Christians gathered in Onesiphorus' house, Thecla sits at a nearby window in the house of her mother, Theocleia. The reader's curiosity is piqued by the fact that Thecla ("a virgin") is identified first in terms of her relationship with another woman (her mother) rather than a man. To squelch any questions, however, this is immediately rectified; we are told that Thecla is "betrothed to a man (named) Thamyris." Thecla is entranced by the word Paul preaches, comes to believe it, and will not turn away Footnote from the window for any reason, day or night. Seeing that Paul's audience included "many women and virgins," Thecla herself desires "to stand in Paul's presence" (cf. Ps 1:4; 5:5; 24:3; Lk 1:19) and hear the gospel. Her conversion has come about entirely on the basis of hearing the word (Jn 20:29); but her enactment of that word will be based upon vision (cf. Jn 3:11; 9:37) and participation in the Christian community, here represented by Paul and his audience.

 

    Theocleia and Thamyris Conspire against Thecla (8-10)

    (8) Thecla's mother sends for her fiancé, who is described as coming "in great joy as if he were already taking her in marriage." This image strikes a note of dissonance for two reasons: first, the reader has just been told that Thecla was "rejoicing exceedingly" in her new-found faith; second, it raises a threat to this new faith because Thecla should receive it as she is and not change her state in life by becoming married. Footnote Thamyris asks Theocleia for permission to see Thecla. To prepare him for this interview, Theocleia relates to him an unsympathetic account of what has happened to her daughter. Footnote

    (9) Theocleia suggests that Thecla is under a spell, "taken captive" by Paul's message of exclusive monotheism and chastity. Theocleia plays on Thamyris' civic virtue and self-interest, denouncing Paul as "upsetting the city of the Iconians, and thy Thecla in addition." The mother views Thecla's heartfelt faith as a "fearful passion," away from which Thamyris must try to woo her. Footnote

    (10) Thamyris approaches Thecla with a heart divided: he loves her yet fears her "distraction," her foreign "passion." Arguing from his position of superiority as the controlling man in her life, Footnote he gives voice to the cultural perception of her behavior as bringing her "shame" -- her passionate distraction by another man (Paul), for Thamyris, constitutes a betrayal of their relationship. Footnote He commands Thecla to restore her honor by returning to him -- which would entail denying her conversion to the gospel of "continence and resurrection" taught by Paul.